Saturday, September 08, 2007

America's Dirty Little Secret: Male on Male Military Rape

Thousands of men have been raped by other men while serving in the military. It's something that the U.S. Marine Corp and Navy flatly refuses to even acknowledge. The statistics in the articles below represent 50% of our Armed Forces due to the denial of the problem. After listening to the NOW story Public Television last night about our service women being victims of rape by male soldiers, I thought about veterans I've known who have been subject to rape as well. So I went searching on the Internet this morning and found the following great articles. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- From the Boston Globe Sexual assault in the shadows

Male victims in military cite devastating impact on career, life

EVANSVILLE, Ind. -- The call came shortly after dinner on a raw night this winter. Mark Partridge sprang to the phone, eager to talk to his 20-year-old son, Brian, who had been based for more than a year on the USS Ardent, a minesweeper patrolling the Persian Gulf. Fulfilling a childhood dream to follow his father into service, it had been a moment of triumph when Brian landed a berth on the sleek gray ship. But what his father now heard on the other end of the line was anything but triumphant. His only child was nearly hysterical, on the brink of tears. "Dad, I've been raped," the young man shouted, as both men recall it. "There's blood all over the place." "Who did this?" demanded his father. "Where is he?" "I don't know," said Partridge, standing in the apartment of the man he says assaulted him. "I beat him up bad." "Go to the base security," his father commanded. "Right now." Partridge did just that. And then, almost immediately, he found himself caught in a legal labyrinth: Partridge's account met mounting skepticism from military investigators, and he soon faced charges himself -- a familiar pattern, according to other servicemen who have alleged abuse and some counselors who treat them. In the end, humiliated and terrified of what might await him in the brig, Partridge agreed to an other-than-honorable discharge, abandoning his military career. His case is unusual only in that he is talking about it. At a time when sexual assaults on women in uniform -- from the Air Force Academy to Iraq -- have scandalized the public and put the Pentagon on the defensive, the troubling incidence of sex crimes against men in the service has languished in the shadows, comparatively unremarked. It is well-populated shade. A Pentagon study of sexual assault in the military released in May found that 9 percent of the 2,012 reported victims of sexual assault in the armed forces in 2002 and 2003 were men. Most said they were assaulted by fellow servicemen. Those figures include 118 service members, some of them men, who say they were sexually assaulted during the current conflict. In addition, the US Department of Veterans Affairs has found more men than women reporting that they experienced unwanted sexual attention during their service years -- from rape to verbal harassment. In fiscal year 2003, for example, 10,693 male veterans told the VA they had experienced such treatment, compared with 9,348 women. The gender gap between those totals isn't surprising; far more men than women are served by the VA. Still, the sheer number of men who raise this issue with the VA screeners hints at the magnitude of the issue the military confronts. "This is a subject that has been vastly overlooked," said US Representative Louise M. Slaughter, Democrat of New York, and a strong advocate for sexual assault victims in the armed services. "I don't think any of us think of men as being rape victims, and certainly the military does not. I suspect men are quiet about it, because they want to preserve their career in the military." The US Department of Defense declined to discuss the incidence of sexual assaults on men or how the armed services are addressing the issue. But the department did express concern that the number of male rapes may be underreported. "We recognize that sexual assaults are seriously underreported," said Charles S. Abell, principal deputy under secretary of defense for personnel and readiness, in a statement, "and we have no reason to doubt that it is even more so in the case of male victims." The Globe interviewed eight men who said they were victims of sexual assault while in the military. While four of them said they never reported the offenses during their time in service, the other four said they did and wound up facing penalties themselves. One, a former US Marine who said he was beaten and sexually assaulted in 1975 while in basic training, said he was dubbed a "training failure" after he complained and was required to leave the service. Another, a Boston man who said he was raped while in basic training in the Army in 1978, was fined for an offense he says his commander never specified. Partridge was apparently the only one of the eight whose alleged assailant faced charges. All of the men were reluctant to be named, in part out of fear that going public could jeopardize their VA benefits, in part out of embarrassment or shame. For if male rape is a topic that causes squeamishness in civilian society, it is, the men say, nearly taboo in the overwhelmingly male and hierarchical culture of the military, where two men having sex remains a crime. In the end, only four of the eight would consent to be quoted by name. Met with disbeliefPetty Officer 3d Class Brian Partridge says he did precisely what a rape victim in the military is supposed to do. After hanging up with his father, he called his superior officer and remained in the apartment until two officers from the Naval Criminal Investigative Service arrived. He told them that after a night of drinking with other sailors at several local bars, he returned to the apartment of one of them for the night because the base curfew had passed. Shortly after he went to sleep in the guest bed, he woke up to find his friend sexually assaulting him. Partridge, a slender man with trim blond hair, said he threw off his assailant and, enraged, beat him until the other man fled. The following day, Partridge was questioned again at length. But this time, he said, the investigating officers did not seem to believe him. "They were making sly comments. They asked me three or four times if I was sure I wasn't gay, which I most definitely am not," Partridge said. "They were just not listening to me." Several weeks later, Partridge said, his story had been "completely turned around" by investigators, and he was given a choice: admit to participating in consensual sodomy and to beating up the other man, or face court-martial on both counts. If convicted, he would probably have received a prison sentence and dishonorably discharged. Partridge decided to accept what he and his father concluded was "the lesser of two evils." In March, he admitted to the charges and received an other-than-honorable discharge. Now living with his parents, he recently started work on a construction site. Lieutenant Christopher Servello, a spokesman for the US Navy, said the other sailor was charged with an offense in lieu of a court-martial and discharged. Servello would not say what the charge was or what kind of discharge the sailor received. The sailor could not be reached by the Globe. Although Partridge authorized the release of his military records, the Navy declined to provide them to the Globe. Servello said that Partridge's naval attorney and his sexual assault counselor were unwilling to be interviewed. But one naval official, in a letter to US Representative John N. Hostettler of Indiana, who looked into the matter at Partridge's request, said that service investigators "determined that the alleged sexual assault was actually a case of consensual sodomy." For Mark Partridge, a Navy veteran himself, the outcome has been shattering. Devastated by the emotional storm that engulfed their only child, he and his wife separated for four months before reuniting in July. But he wonders whether his son will ever recover. "They ruined him for life, you know," declared the elder Partridge. "What happens to you when they throw you out and make you look like the dirty guy? How do you explain any of this to an employer? How do you explain any of it at all?" And then he cried. Culture of aggressionMale victims in the service tend to be young, often newcomers to the deck or the field. Some have experienced personal misfortune, such as a previous incidence of abuse or the breakup of their family, and may project vulnerability, according to therapists who work with them. But because so few cases are reported, little more is known about why some men in uniform become victims of sexual assault. Like rape of any kind, male-on-male assault is viewed by specialists as, in most cases, an act of power, not sexuality. Only about 2 to 5 percent of the men assaulted in the military are believed to be homosexual, according to estimates by some therapists. The therapists know less about the perpetrators; they rarely have clinical contact with them. But some believe that aspects of military culture may abet sexual abuses. "Sexual assault in the military goes back to the beginning of time and mostly of men," said John Carracher, a clinical psychologist with the VA Medical Center in West Palm Beach, Fla., who works with men who have been sexually assaulted. "The culture itself contributes to all forms of aggression, and that includes rape." Still, there is little, if any, evidence that male-on-male rape is more common in the armed services than in civilian society. The finding of the 2004 Pentagon Task Force Report on Care For Victims of Sexual Assault -- that 9 percent of those alleging sexual assault are men -- falls in the midrange of similar surveys outside the military. While the surveys cannot be compared directly, the US Department of Justice's National Violence Against Women Survey conducted in 1995 and 1996 found that 17.6 percent of the women surveyed said they had been the victim of rape or attempted rape; 3 percent of the men said they had been similarly victimized. The Bureau of Justice Statistics' National Crime Victimization Survey of 2002 found that 12.8 percent of victims of rape or attempted rape in 2002 were male. Few believe those numbers fully reflect the scope of the problem, in either the civilian or military world. The Pentagon's report cites several reasons that service men and women are often unwilling to report sexual assault, including fear of reprisals by the offender and concern that, "the chain of command . . . would not believe them and would ignore the complaint altogether." Also, the report found "a general perception that reporting a male-against-male sexual assault might cause people to question the victim's sexual orientation." Carlos Guice had little doubt about that conclusion. And so he kept quiet for years. "Why would I ever bring it up to anyone?" said Guice, 43, of Tampa, Fla., who said he was raped in 1983 by a superior officer while stationed at Dover Air Force Base in Delaware. "People would think I was gay. You would be ostracized." And so, Guice, then 21, did what therapists say many victims do: He blamed himself. The victim of physical and sexual abuse as a child, he knew the risks of speaking up. Besides, he said his alleged assailant, an officer, had warned him that no one would take the word of an enlisted man. In despair, Guice twice tried to commit suicide while still in the Air Force, swallowing fistfuls of Valium. Sent to a psychologist, he was eventually given an administrative discharge. Guice ultimately wound up at the VA hospital in Bay Pines, Fla., which has a residential program for men who have been sexually assaulted during military service. 'A Walk in Hell' Greg Helle didn't tell for 31 years. He was 18 when he arrived in Vietnam in the spring of 1969, a scrubbed-face Iowa boy with coke-bottle eyeglasses. What he says happened to him in his first few months there would alter his life forever. On a hot night in June, shortly after Helle fell into a drunken sleep in his bunk, another soldier slid in behind him. Helle, now 53, wrote of what happened next in his book, "A Walk in Hell," which was published two years ago. "I remember my legs being forced apart," Helle wrote. "I remember trying to turn over, but being forced back down. I will always remember his face." Helle didn't speak up for several reasons. Ashamed that he had not been able to stop the attack, he knew that if anyone found out he would not be able to face them. There was also his assailant to consider, a large man who eyed him angrily from across the barracks. Helle went on to live an outwardly conventional life. He married, had two children, and settled in a comfortable suburb near Des Moines. If his family wondered why he always kept a pair of 4-inch knives strapped to his body, and a 6-inch hunting blade in his bedstand, as he still does, they did not ask. Like many male rape victims, Helle struggled with a need to constantly reassert his manhood. In 2001, he was arrested in a prostitution sting. ("The more women I had," he recalled, "the more manly I was.") His daughter, an officer with the Des Moines Police Department, was on patrol that day. Afterward, Helle told his wife, Alice, what had really happened to him in Vietnam. "He had told me years back this guy had tried to attack him and that he had leveled him," recalled Alice, breaking into tears. "I think he told me the version he wished had happened." And so the facade of normalcy began to crumble. Shortly after her husband's arrest, Alice Helle returned home from work to find him sitting in the garage smoking a cigarette and slashing his arms with a knife. "He looked like he'd been in a fight with a cat," said Alice Helle. In 2001, Helle attempted suicide at least four times, according to his VA record, and was hospitalized repeatedly, ultimately landing at the Bay Pines program. Two years ago, Helle was diagnosed as suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder, and he now receives monthly VA benefits of $2,318. In deciding to award him benefits, the VA concluded that Helle's disorder was related to both his combat experience and "to the claimed sexual assault which were reasonably verified." Helle feels better now, thanks in part to an array of medications and to a support group for veterans called the PTSD Alliance which he started two years ago. But he remains consumed by what happened to him. He spends many afternoons in his basement office, a dim cubicle that he calls his "bunker," searching websites for his assailant. He has tried unsuccessfully over the years to find him, unsure, at some level, if he really wants to. "If I found him, I would have to kill him," Helle said, fingering one of the three knives he keeps lined neatly near his computer. "When he breathes his last breath I want him to be looking at me." Specific servicesIf Helle had sought help back in 1969, there would not have been much available to him. But much has changed in recent years. The growing ranks of women in uniform -- now 15 percent of all service personnel -- has, by many accounts, made the US military more responsive to issues of gender and sexuality. "Women really dragged the men along on this one," said Lisa Fisher, clinical director at the National Center for Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder at the VA Boston Healthcare System. At the VA, for example, every veteran seeking services is asked if they were the victim of sexual harassment or sexual assault while in the military -- the system calls it "military sexual trauma" or MST. The department has also begun to provide services designed specifically for men. "These are people whose lives changed trajectory," said Dr. Terence Keane, director of the National Center for PTSD in Boston. "It is incredibly complicated for a young man. Your whole sense of self is altered. It is shattering on many levels." What happens to men who do report sexual crimes while still in uniform is difficult to quantify. Pentagon investigators puzzled in their report over "why many initial reports of sexual assault do not result in criminal convictions" but said incomplete data made the question impossible to answer. The report found that, in the last two calendar years, courts-martial were started in 26 percent of the cases involving military offenders in the various services, the army excepted. Military justice action was taken in more than 39 percent of the cases. But among the veterans interviewed by the Globe there was a clear sense that, as in the case with Brian Partridge, reporting an offense led to trouble not so much for their assailants as for them. "Brian has repeated almost verbatim what has happened to many men I have seen," said Roger J. Girard, a former VA therapist who started a men's group at the VA hospital at Bay Pines in the mid-1990s. "The victim is portrayed as the perpetrator, especially with men, to save face." Partridge's case is also similar to others in that it is hard to discern exactly what happened. As with many rapes, there were only two people present during the incident and their stories apparently differ. As the Pentagon report points out, often in such cases the only indisputable fact is that sex occurred. Partridge believes military investigators decided that he had consented to have sex with his assailant and then changed his mind after it was over in order to save face. But if that were so, as Partridge points out, would he not have kept quiet about the matter? Why would he have gone to authorities and drawn public attention to this case? Shortly after he was discharged, Partridge contacted the offices of Senator Richard Lugar and Hostettler, both Indiana Republicans. Looking back, Partridge wonders if he made the right choice in signing papers that say he did something he insists he did not do. "It killed me to sign this thing, just killed me," said Partridge, clenching a copy of the agreement in his fist. The other-than-honorable discharge that Partridge received still burns like shrapnel. It means that he is unlikely to receive any federal benefits for his two years of Navy service. It means he will have to find something else to do with his life. And it means that when he passes the living room shelves heavy with his ROTC awards and photographs of him in the service he can no longer bring himself to look. "When I was a little kid, all I wanted to do was go into the military, you know, like a little Rambo," said Partridge, stubbing out his cigarette. "But it's not like they show in the posters. It's not like that at all." ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- April 01, 2005 Sexual Assault Among Male Veterans Melissa A. Polusny, Ph.D., and Maureen Murdoch, M.D., M.P.H. Following U.S. Senate hearings on military sexual trauma in 1992, the U.S. Congress mandated the VA provide health care services for women veterans who experienced sexual assault while serving in the military. Later the mandate was extended to male veterans sexually assaulted in the military. However, without routine screening for sexual assault, many victims of adult sexual assault may be unrecognized; consequently, veterans suffering sexual assault-related sequelae may go untreated by their health care providers. In 1999, the VA was mandated to screen all veteran enrollees, regardless of gender, for military sexual trauma experiences. Since 2002, 33,212 male veterans and 28,850 female veterans have been identified as reporting military sexual trauma (Department of Veterans Affairs, 2003, 2002). However, a number of intervening factors, including time constraints and stereotypical beliefs about victims of sexual assault, may influence whether health care professionals routinely screen all patients for a history of sexual trauma. Nowhere are society's expectations of men as being strong, aggressive and avoidant of sexual contact with other men more pronounced than in the military. Combat veterans are stereotypically viewed as heroic, strong and hypermasculine. Such attributes are antithetical to stereotypical characteristics of adult sexual assault victims (e.g., weak, ineffectual, female) (Howard, 1984; Madriz, 1997; Sattem et al., 1984). Thus, common (but erroneous) clinician beliefs about who is and is not likely to be a sexual assault victim in combination with male victims' gender socialization (e.g., stigma against vulnerability, weakness and homosexuality) could lead to situations where male veterans "aren't asked and don't tell" about sexual assault (Whealin, 2004). Data highlighted above suggest that male gender and veterans' combat status should not dissuade psychiatrists from screening for adult sexual assault. Despite growing constraints on psychiatrists' clinical time, screening for sexual trauma and consequent psychiatric sequelae among men should be routine. Screening for sexual trauma does not generally require a great deal of time and may greatly enhance clinical outcomes by leading to appropriate assessment of sexual trauma's role in a particular patient's psychiatric difficulties. Effective sexual assault screening incorporates evidenced-based screening methods and may be accomplished through the use of written, self-administered intake forms containing behaviorally specific items asking about unwanted sexual experiences. Several instruments designed to assess a wide range of potentially traumatic events, including sexual assault, are available for use by clinicians. For example, the Life Stressor Checklist-Revised (LSCL-R) (Wolfe and Kimerling, 1997) assesses for sexual trauma, high-magnitude events and broader developmental experiences (e.g., permanent separation from a child) that may be linked to psychosocial disruptions. The Post-traumatic Stress Diagnostic Scale (PDS) contains a 12-item checklist of potentially traumatic events (Foa et al., 1997). Those who screen positive for exposure to potentially traumatic events are then instructed to provide ratings of the frequency of PTSD symptoms corresponding with DSM-IV criteria. In addition to administering brief questionnaires, questions about trauma exposure-including sexual assault-may be incorporated into the psychiatric evaluation. For health care and mental health care professionals with less experience in assessing and treating sexual assault, the VA Employee Education System has developed a military sexual trauma self-study guide that offers guidelines for successful screening strategies, potential barriers to screening and follow-up treatment strategies (Employee Education System, 2004). A Web-based version is available at . When men disclose a history of sexual victimization, it is critical that health care professionals respond in an empathetic, nonjudgmental and affirming manner. Disclosure of sexual assault by men provides psychiatrists and other mental health care professionals with an important opportunity to dispel male rape myths for victims, offer accurate information and education about the impact of sexual assault, and discuss the availability of effective treatments, including psychotherapy, for post-assault sequelae. By routinely asking about sexual assault, psychiatrists can play an important role in identification of trauma-related psychopathology, which, if undetected and untreated, could contribute to psychiatric treatment failures. Increased awareness and understanding of male sexual assault as well as routine screening of all patients, regardless of gender, for exposure to sexual victimization or other potentially traumatic experiences, will enhance the recovery of sexual trauma survivors. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Male (and Female) Rape in the Military

Florida Today Special Report

Male sex abuse revealed in ranks

Thousands of male veterans report enduring sexual trauma during their military careers

Greg Helle. Image copyright © 2003

Courtesy of Greg Helle

FLORIDA TODAY

By Alan Snel

Vietnam veteran Greg Helle kept his secret for 32 years until he reached a crossroads in life: He was going to kill himself or he was going to get help. In 2001, the lifelong Iowan came to Florida to save his life. Helle entered a one-of-a-kind U.S. Veterans Affairs program in St. Petersburg designed exclusively to counsel men who were raped or sodomized in the armed services. At the Bay Pines VA Medical Center, Helle learned during his daily sessions that many other men had been sexually assaulted by peers or superiors in the military. Helle never reported his rape. He didn't think his officers in Vietnam would believe him. And even if he did report the rape, he was certain the friends of the attacker -- another GI who bunked across the hall -- would kill him. "The rape ruined my life," said Helle, 52, today the administrator of a 400-student veterinary teaching hospital at Iowa State University. Greg Helle, a veterinary hospital administrator from Ankeny, Iowa, says he was raped during his tour in Vietnam by fellow soldiers. A Florida Today investigation uncovered thousands of veterans who say they suffered sex abuse in the military. Now, the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs has quietly begun collecting nationwide data on the extent to which men like Helle have been sexually traumatized in the armed services. The preliminary results put the projections of sexual trauma cases in the tens of thousands, including hundreds of men now living in Central Florida. "This is a national crisis, but nobody will listen to me," said mental health counselor Roger Girard, a 22-year military veteran who treated dozens of sexually assaulted men, including Helle, at Bay Pines. "The brass of the military don't want to admit this happens because it's a black eye." To uncover the extent of the problem, Florida Today obtained the VA's preliminary findings from its sexual trauma survey of 1.67 million veterans enrolled in 1,300 VA health care facilities across the country. It examined VA records and interviewed government and private psychologists across the United States. And it used the Freedom of Information Act to seek reports and prosecution information from the military. It found: Thousands of victims. Nearly 22,500 male veterans -- more than one of every 100 former soldiers, sailors and airmen treated by the VA -- reported being sexually "traumatized" by peers or superiors during their military careers, VA survey records show. That includes 769 men in the VA's Central Florida Health Care System, which includes Brevard County, Orlando and the Tampa Bay area. Most men who answer, "yes," to sexual trauma are being treated for other ailments by the VA, and only a small fraction are being treated exclusively for their military sexual abuse. With the survey only half over and another 1.7 million male VA patients still to question, administrators say the final number of victims will be much higher. "This is a sleeping phenomenon. . . . We're acknowledging it's not just a women's problem," said Carole Turner, a VA director who oversees the computer software collecting the sexual trauma data. No tracking of circumstances. Sexual trauma, as the VA defines it, includes rape, sodomy, molestation, harassment and unwanted sexual attention such as "touching, cornering, pressure for sexual favors, verbal remarks." However, neither the VA survey nor the military has categorized or counted the types of male sex abuse cases, meaning no one fully understands the extent of the problem. The VA also does not know how many male sexual trauma victims it treats every year. That lack of detail makes comparisons between the VA figures and sexual trauma rates in the active military nearly impossible. The military experience of VA patients spans more than 60 years, so there's no conclusive way to determine whether the prevalence of male sexual trauma among veterans reflects rates in today's active military. Two military services do not comply with sex abuse reporting rules. Despite a congressional mandate that the military keep statistics on violent crimes, including sexual assaults, just two of the four major services -- the Army and the Air Force – could provide any statistics on sex crimes, and only the Army tracked the victims' gender. The Navy and Marine Corps could provide no information. The Army, the biggest service with about 1 million active and reserve personnel, reported 78 cases of sexual assault on men in the past 12 years -- about seven per year -- a number that struck veterans, criminologists and psychologists as low. Military unaware or unconvinced of a problem. A Marine Corps spokesman dismissed the male sexual trauma subject as an "off-the-wall topic" when asked to arrange an interview with a senior Marine officer. An Army spokeswoman called the reported cases in her service "statistically insignificant." Another Army spokeswoman, when asked about sexual assaults on men, began explaining the military's policy on homosexuality. Lack of reporting by men could be a major reason why military leaders know little of the problem. Domination the prime motive. Veterans Affairs psychologists who are treating sexually assaulted vets described most male victims as the youngest, lowest-ranking enlistees in the military, and the sexual assaults were carried out to humiliate or demean the victims. Such attacks are not homosexual acts, but efforts to assert power over others, the VA psychologists stressed. These nationwide counselors interviewed by Florida Today said most of the VA's treatment cases involved physical abuse, not insults or harassment. "It's pretty clear that we're discussing unwanted sexual activity that's coercive in nature," said Art Rosenblatt, coordinator of the VA's military sexual trauma program in Central Florida. Military refusal Florida Today asked all four major armed services and the Department of Defense for interviews with officers or policymakers to discuss its findings on military sexual trauma involving men. All four and the Pentagon rejected those requests. But in an e-mail, Marine spokesman Lt. Col. Stephen H. Kay wrote from his Pentagon office, "I can tell you that the Marine Corps takes any allegation of sexual assault very seriously, regardless of the genders involved. Such matters are thoroughly investigated when reported, and appropriate disciplinary action is taken when warranted." Army spokeswoman Elaine Kanellis said from the Pentagon, "When the Army is made aware of it, we'll go after it. . . . I don't think it's an epidemic." The Air Force, which has 612,984 active and reserve personnel, reported 136 sexual assault cases on men and women in the past five years. However, it declined to review those cases to determine how many of the victims were men. "When an accusation is made, things are looked into," Air Force spokeswoman Valerie Burkes said from the Pentagon. "If there is evidence to substantiate the allegations, the next step is prosecution." In December, Florida Today formally requested information on cases at Florida military installations such as Eglin Air Force Base near Pensacola and the Navy's air and ship bases in Jacksonville. Patrick Air Force Base in Brevard County reported no sexual assault cases involving men as the victim during the past 20 years. "It's an issue that clearly no one in the military wants to discuss," said an ex-Marine from Brevard County who was sexually attacked by his commanding officer in Vietnam in 1969. The former Marine, now in his 50s and a counselor treating trauma survivors in Central Florida, asked not to be named. Florida Today agreed, in keeping with its normal policy on sexual abuse victims. High prevalence "Sexual assaults on military men is much more prevalent than people imagine," said VA psychologist David Sutton, a former Air Force pilot and Vietnam vet who counsels male sexual assault victims at a VA hospital in Big Spring, Texas. "In basic training, it's easy to exert one's power over a young recruit. And even if they do report it, there is an attempt to disregard it or an attempt to cover it up." While the VA survey counted 22,486 cases of male sexual trauma, it also showed 19,463 cases of female sexual trauma – validating the reports of sexual abuse rates among women that made news throughout the 1990s. The VA survey showed 22 percent of female vets said they suffered sexual trauma during their armed services careers. That roughly matches an earlier, national survey of women veterans in 1996. That survey found 23 percent of women reported sexual assault in the military and 55 percent reported harassment. Abuse of women in the military became a mainstream news media topic in the 1990s. Attention focused primarily on the Navy's Tailhook scandal of 1991, which involved Navy and Marine aviators forming a sexual harassment gantlet at a Las Vegas convention, and the Army's Aberdeen Proving Ground sex abuse cases of 1996. The thousands of sexual trauma cases that involved men in the armed forces, however, has caught everyone off guard, from military leaders to members of Congress who sit on Senate and House committees that oversee the military. Nearly every federal official interviewed for this story was unaware the VA had even begun a survey of male veterans -- or female vets. Psychologist Terri Spahr Nelson, a decorated Army veteran from Ohio who wrote a book last year on sex abuse in the armed forces, said the attention now focused on male military sexual trauma is similar to the public spotlight cast on the plight of sexually abused military women 10 to 15 years ago.

'I felt dirty'

Among the men being treated by the VA, sexual trauma victims have described officers or older enlisted men gang raping recruits, soldiers sodomizing victims with gunbarrels and forcing young enlistees to perform oral sex. Paul Branesky, a retired Navy diver from St. Petersburg, said four sailors raped him in the summer of 1967 at submarine training school in Groton, Conn. "I didn't report anything. . . . They told me if I said anything I was dead. After I got up off the floor, I stood in the shower for three hours trying to wash the way I felt. I felt dirty and shameful," Branesky said. "Anybody who has reported anything, the military classified them with a section 8 that they were homosexual and got them out of the military." Branesky, 55, has been treated for the sexual trauma at Bay Pines VA Medical Center in St. Petersburg since 2001. "I know my life was hell and my wives' lives were hell," he said, referring to four marriages. "I still have friends in the military and I know it's still going on today." Branesky's case is consistent with many others, psychologists said. "The military is a macho organization, and if a man is sexually assaulted, there is a stigma that means the man was weak in some way or homosexual or he did something to warrant the rape," said Maria Crane, a VA psychologist who works on trauma cases in St. Petersburg. The Department of Veterans Affairs survey comes in response to a 1999 federal law designed to improve sexual trauma treatment for veterans. Just as other doctors' offices ask patients about their prescription drugs or supplements, VA clinicians routinely ask veterans whether they were ever sexually traumatized during their military careers. By simply counting the "yes" responses, VA officials hope to grasp the extent of the problem. "Men have not been asked before," said Sarah Ullman, a University of Chicago criminologist who has studied rape victims. All generations Mental health counselor Girard, who left Bay Pines two months ago, said the veterans he counseled for sexual assaults ranged in age from men in their early 20s to an 87-year-old World War II vet. His patients included victims from every war era who were based at domestic and overseas installations. The modest counseling facility at Bay Pines has treated more than 100 men since 1994. Out of 1,300 VA health sites nationwide, the Bay Pines center has the only residential treatment program designed exclusively for daily treatment for male sexual trauma victims. Modeled after the facility's program for women, the men's program is being restructured and will treat six to eight male vets during four-week sessions starting in April. Most sexual trauma patients reported being attacked as young enlistees. But Girard said few assaults were carried out as hazing rituals. The only initiation-style sexual assaults patients reported were when sailors fondled victims' genitals or sodomized them with broomsticks when they sailed across the equator or the international date line, he said. A more typical case involved a young Navy shipping clerk at a base in Adack, Alaska, in 1970. The clerk, Nelson Alvarez of Abilene, Texas, was ordered by a supervisor into a metal building, kicked viciously in the back and raped. "I was a 20-year-old kid. There was no way I would report this. If I reported it, I would have been labeled a homosexual," said Alvarez, a 52-year-old father of two who said the incident happened on Sept. 28, 1970. "The pain was so intense that I became literally numb. It felt as if my spirit had left me." Another case involved a 20-year-old Marine who visited what he thought was the house of new military friends in the Camp Pendleton area outside San Diego in the summer of 1972. But he said he was raped. The former Marine recalled the base psychiatrist referred him to a Pendleton counselor for treatment. The former Marine, now 50 and living in northwest Ohio, recalled his counselor's words: "His advice was to get a six-pack and get on the hill."

Healing via telling

The painful experiences resonated with Vietnam veteran Helle, who was treated at Bay Pines in St. Petersburg during a 31/2-month period in 2001. The trauma described by men there ranged from gang rape to one-on-one penetration, he said. "There were all services there. There were Marines there. Marines are tough as nails," Helle said. "These guys were not unemotional about it. One guy was a massive guy, a tough guy. He said the healing was in the telling." "I do not hold the government responsible for what happened to me. I'm a patriot. I'd be over in Afghanistan, but I'm too damn old," said Helle, who volunteered to serve in Vietnam after being a high school wrestler in Iowa. "I'm not here to destroy the government. I'm not here to destroy the VA." Most members of Congress who sit on veterans affairs and armed forces committees contacted by Florida Today declined to comment. Their press representatives said they first wanted to see the VA's military sexual trauma report. U.S. Sen. Bill Nelson, D-Tallahassee, who sits on the Senate Armed Services Committee, did not return phone calls to comment. But U.S. Rep. John McHugh, an upstate New York Republican who chairs an Armed Services Committee's subcommittee, said, "My intention is to sit down and see how much of a disconnect there is between the VA numbers and the number of reported incidents in the active military." McHugh's district includes the Fort Drum Army base near the Canadian border. A wider problem? The VA's military sexual trauma survey may indicate an even wider problem, system psychologists said. Considering that 18 million of the 24.5 million veterans in the United States have never used the VA's health system, there could be thousands more male sexual trauma cases the survey won't account for, VA psychologists such as St. Petersburg's Crane pointed out. It's possible that veterans who have been sexually traumatized are more likely to use the VA system than those who have not, meaning the rates could be lower for the overall veteran population. However, the lack of reliable crime information from the military makes such a comparison impossible. And even if all armed services kept such statistics, they might not accurately reflect the problem. Most sexual assaults on men go unreported, VA psychologist John Carracher of West Palm Beach said. Military men do not report the attacks because they fear no one will believe them, their careers will be damaged, they will be labeled homosexual or they will suffer retribution from the attackers or their commanders, VA psychologists said. Criminologist Nathan Pino of Georgia Southern University, could not believe the Army had only 78 male-on-male sexual assaults since 1990, as the service reports. "The military is geared toward being hyper-masculine. And if you said you were gang-raped, it would be a blow to your manhood," said Pino, who recently published an article on the differences between men and women reporting sexual assaults. "The military is like any closed society, like police departments. You don't rat on anyone. And if you did report it, you would fear retaliation." In interviews with psychologists treating sexually assaulted men across the United States, one phrase -- "the military culture" -- came up again and again in explanations of why military leaders won't discuss the topic, why men are prone to keep their secrets. It's a culture far different from the civilian world; a culture of power and order where there are no confidential sessions with psychologists. "To admit you were raped," Helle said, "is so far against what you're trained for."

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Women's abuse drew spotlight 10 years ago

Sexual assault rate higher for female enlistees

By Alan Snel

FLORIDA TODAY

The focus on men sexually assaulted in the military comes about 10 to 20 years after the first major efforts to help women in the armed forces. Attacks and harassment of military women got earlier attention because the rate is so much higher. An Ohio therapist who served in the Army and wrote a book on the subject last year says sexual abuse against women in the military is an "epidemic." In Terri Spahr Nelson's book, "For Love of Country: Confronting Rape and Sexual Harassment in the U.S. Military," she cited a 1995 Department of Defense study that showed 47 percent of women received "unwanted sexual attention." The study also showed 9 percent of women in the Marines, 8 percent of women in the Army, 6 percent of women in the Navy and 4 percent of women in the Air Force were victims of rape or attempted rape in 1995. Reported rates of sexual trauma of women in the military are twice as high as those in civilian life. A 1996 DOD study showed 55 percent of women reported experiencing sexual trauma -- ranging from harassment to rape -- compared to 24 percent of women in the civilian world. "Surveys of women in the military tell a story of rampant sexual abuse and harassment by their male counterparts amid concerns that the issues are being minimized or ignored by military leaders," Nelson wrote. Treatment programs for sexually abused women increased as high-profile cases made national headlines: the Navy's Tailhook incident of 1991 and the Army's Aberdeen Proving Ground sex abuse cases of 1996. "In the early 1990s, Tailhook was one of the spurring events that brought it the public eye," said Sherri Bauch, the Veterans Health Administration's western U.S. deputy field director in Tacoma, Wash., and co-chairwoman of the National Military Sexual Trauma Work Group. In 1992, Congress ordered the Department of Veterans Affairs to provide treatment to female veterans traumatized by sexual assault experienced during active military duty. VA medical centers now have a women's veterans program manager, Bauch said. http://www.floridatoday.com/!NEWSROOM/special/militaryabuse/militaryabuse.htm

Political Rant

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Friday, September 07, 2007

Hate the Hypocrisy, Not the Gay Senator

HATE the Hypocrisy, Not the Gay Senator Steve Gushee Palm Beach Post September 7, 2007
Father Steve Gushee is a former religion editor for the
Palm Beach Post.
He is a frequent contributor.
Father Gushee is a retired Episcopal Priest.

Hypocrisy is the great sin that haunts recently exposed gay public figures. They often rail against the very lifestyle they practice.

The greater sin may be rooted in a culture that self-righteously uses the Bible to condemn homosexuality; that drives gay men and women to personal dishonesty, marital distress, public embarrassment and perceived hypocrisy.

Such men are often married with children. They appear vehemently antigay, conservative advocates of family values. Their life becomes an elaborate, painful charade designed to keep their true sexuality hidden, from themselves as well as from the public. When exposed, they Invariably appear hypocritical.

Sen. Larry Craig of Idaho, who resigned his seat Saturday, is but the latest prominent socially conservative married man to be caught In a homosexual encounter. The Rev. Ted Haggard was a married pastor, founder of a 14,000-member church and president of the National Evangelical Association. He resigned in November last year after a gay tryst became known.

James McGreevy, married and father of two, resigned as governor of New Jersey in 2004, when his homosexuality became public. Haggard and McGreevy have each said they struggled for years to suppress their sexuality.

Many gay men marry to convince themselves they are not gay, so damning is that label in our Christian culture. A church I once served hosted a support group that helped such men wrestle with their sexuality, social pressures, cultural bias and religious prejudice. Many participants gave the group credit for saving their marriages and,Indeed, saving their sanity, even though they had to maintain the fiction that they were heterosexual.

A society that recognized gay people as human beings with human rights with have few closeted public figures. A Christian society that embraced the outcast as Jesus taught would support the effort of a responsible sexual minority to be part of mainstream American life. Instead, the American version of a Christian society drives gay men and women to live raudulent lives.

Jesus roundly condemned adultery between heterosexuals, though our society winks at the practice, even among presidential candidates. He never uttered a word about homosexuality. To be sure, Paul condemned it. He also supported slavery, discouraged marriage and suggested those who married live celibate lives.

Less hypocrisy in our religious life would lead to less among our public officials.

Thursday, September 06, 2007

La Cage aus Folles Update

I had a laugh when I read this. If the show is billed as an independent production with no times to the Episcopal school, why did the Headmaster of the school announce it? From the Orlando Sentinel:

Trinity Preparatory School's production of La Cage aux Folles will be performed off campus at a local theatre this weekend, billed as an independent show with no ties to the Episcopal school.Headmaster Craig Maughan announced the decision in press release this morning. There will be four performances of the musical at the Orlando Repertory Theatre.

Saturday, September 01, 2007

La Cage aux Folles Riles Episcopal Bishop of Central Florida

I found this to be particularly outrageous. It's censorship of the arts for one thing. But I think Bishop Howe's biggest beef is that it's about a subject near and dear to his heart....it's about tolerance and respect for those who are G/L/B/T. Simply because the plot dealt with cross dressing, they had to give it a PB-13 rating. Not good enough for the Episcopoevangelical bishop. For those non-Episcopalians reading this, let me tell you a little bit of history about Bishop Howe. He was disappointed years ago when Pat Robertson ran for president and lost. When Robertson decided to return to ministry, Bishop Howe, along with other Robertson groupies 'laid hands upon him' to return him to ministry, which now consists of peddling his health food drink, bellyaching about homosexuals taking over the United States and denying dealing in blood diamonds with the former butcher of Liberia. What a fine model of the episcopate he is! The Episcopal church has many loving, accepting bishops, priests and members. But it also has its share of bigots, including the episcopate. Gordon ************************************************************************** From the Orlando Sentinel - Bishop nixes Trinity Prep playThe move to cancel 'La Cage aux Folles' riles students and parents. ** The school theater production aimed to "push the limits," and it did -- way too far for its conservative Episcopal bishop. ** Trinity Preparatory School canceled its opening-night performance of La Cage aux Folles on Friday at the request of Bishop John Howe, head of the Diocese of Central Florida."His request was not to stage the production, and we decided to honor his request," said Headmaster Craig Maughan, who called off Friday's and tonight's planned performances. "I met with the cast and all the people involved in the production and announced the decision and explained it to them." ** "There was disappointment among students, but I would say they understood."The award-winning musical comedy, which opened on Broadway in 1983, features a middle-aged gay couple and actors dressed in drag. ** Howe learned about the performance when he read a story about it in Thursday's Orlando Sentinel. Howe said in an e-mail response to questions that he recognized it was difficult to cancel a show hours before the curtain went up but said he was grateful for Maughan's decision. ** The bishop was surprised "that any high school would sponsor this particular production," he wrote. "Having to put a 'PG-13' warning label on a dramatic production certainly seems an unusual decision for a Christian preparatory school." ** Howe, a leader of conservative bishops in the Episcopal Church, USA, has been vocal on issues of sexual orientation and in 2003 strongly opposed the election of an openly gay man as bishop of New Hampshire. That election, and the issue of blessing same-sex unions, has created a rift in the Episcopal Church. ** Trinity Prep, which is on the border of Orange and Seminole counties, is one of four high schools in the Central Florida diocese.Maughan said he would meet with the school's administrative council and board of directors early next week and decide whether to hold performances at the school next week."I'm very sad," said Janine Papin, chairwoman of Trinity Prep's fine- arts program and director of the show. ** But she also hoped for "a happy outcome" -- perhaps off-campus performances -- and had "faith in some very strong leaders" at the school where she has worked for eight years. ** Mostly, she said she was sorry misconceptions about the musical had brought problems to Trinity."La Cage really isn't about a gay couple. It's about family," Papin said. "It's funny and endearing, and there's a wonderful message about being comfortable with who we are. And it really doesn't have to deal with sexuality." ** In the show, one partner runs a French nightclub and the other performs there as a drag queen. Their life is upended when one man's son brings home his fiancee and her ultraconservative parents. ** The musical, which won several Tony Awards, was also made into an American movie, The Birdcage, staring Robin Williams and Nathan Lane. ** Last week, Papin told the Sentinel she picked the show because she wants "to push the limits so that there are very few shows that are off-limits for the kids because of sexual orientation or because of religious differences or whatever it is. ** "The performances were to be the culmination of Trinity Prep's intensive summer musical-theater class. ** Papin had told Trinity Prep administrators of her selection and was asked to put a PG-13 label on promotional posters. Her news release explained the show involved a gay couple and said "the audience should be age appropriate for the content."No one seemed concerned, she said. Earlier Friday, posters for the show dotted the campus, and a number of Trinity Prep students wore T- shirts touting the show. ** "I had no idea that this sort of nonsense would come up at the last minute," she added.The student cast members were told of the decision late Friday, some as they arrived on campus to get ready for what they thought was a 7:30 p.m. performance -- the first of six planned shows. ** One mother said her child was "absolutely furious" about the cancellation.The mother asked not to be identified after the headmaster asked parents and students not to comment to the press."I would like the show to go on. It has absolutely nothing to do with the bishop," the mother said. "I don't think it has anything to do with the church."The mother noted the musical ran on Broadway for many years and preaches a message of tolerance, a message that many students take to heart. ** The cast was mostly students from the prep school, though it included a few from public high schools and 20-year-old Benjamin Rush. He stepped in to play one of the leading men when the student actor was injured."I understand this is a private school, a religious school," Rush said, but that didn't make the decision easier for the cast. "I'm upset because of the censorship of the arts." ** Headmaster Maughan said the school would continue to produce "challenging productions," but added, "It is important to evaluate the importance of musicals or plays and consider them in light of our position as an Episcopal school." ** Correspondent Jill Duff-Hoppes contributed to this report. Leslie Postal can be reached at 407-420-5273 or lpostal@orlandosentinel.com. Dave Weber can be reached at 407-320-0915 or dweber@orlandosentinel.com.Copyright © 2007, Orlando Sentinel

MORAL VALUES Part 1

Moral Values

Millions of Americans have been watching with great interest the arrest of Senator Larry Craig for playing footsie with an undercover cop and the strong call for his resignation from the U.S. senate. Pundits and politicians decry that it’s not the same thing as Senator David Vitters tryst with a prostitute. Why not? Well, they say, Senator Craig plead guilty and Senator Vitters never got arrested.

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So there you have it. Ethics don’t matter. You can be a U.S. senator who visits prostitutes and it’s okay as long as you don’t get arrested. That’s not seen as a moral issue to the right wing because it was heterosexual wrongdoing as opposed to homosexual.

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How America views morality is distressing in the grand scheme of things. Issues like poverty, lack of health care and homelessness, corruption and corporate fraud aren’t considered moral issues “to worry my pretty head over,” as Barbara Bush put it when asked about the high death rate of our soldiers in Iraq.

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These are some of the things that I few as moral issues that bug the heck out of me:

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The economy is great if you’re lucky enough to be in the top 5% of wealthiest people in the U.S. A year ago, a Wall Street Journal poll reflected that 2/3 of the American people believed that America is in a recession. President Bush says that our economy is strong. So who is right, Bush or the American people?

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The disconnect is that President Bush view’s economic success by how well the corporations are doing financially. If you’re a CEO of a giant corporation the economy is going great. When you outsource American jobs to foreign countries who utilize slave labor to manufacture the cheap goods Americans want, yeah, you get rich. CEO’s of big corporations who keep their employees in America, they keep their corporate profits high by hiring employees part time so they don’t have to pay benefits like health insurance.

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Teddy Roosevelt recognized this problem. And he was a Republican. He fought the corporate idea of getting wealthy by working employees for so many hours and so hard for very long hours that it was near slave labor. He saw this as immoral, corporate greed.

- President Wilson on the other hand believed that liberty is allowing corporations to get rich by keeping wages low, the work hours long and not spending money on benefits for their employees. Under the policies of the Bush administration, the U.S. finds itself in debt to China up to our eyeballs. We borrowed billions of dollars from China to pay for the war in Iraq. Manufacturing plants in America continue to close as our jobs are outsourced, throwing more Americans into unemployment and loss of health insurance.

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Under the Bush administration, the corporations have continued to get wealthier and wealthier. And not through entirely honest means. The lack of oversight of the billions of dollars wasted due to fraud, kickbacks and pure greed during the reconstruction of Iraq, is not by accident. The move of the Halliburton headquarters from the U.S. to off shore isn’t an accident. It was a deliberately planned way of stealing billions of U.S. taxpayer dollars outside of the reach of American laws. And we all already know that electricity, sewage, water, hospitals and schools in Iraq are being destroyed as fast as they get repaired or built. And the CEO’s are slapping each other on the back with their obscene earnings, all the way to the bank. With the stroke of a pen, President Bush signs his signing statements that these things aren’t to be investigated as he gives a proud wink to his corporate friends.

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Now comes the NAFTA Mexican trucker situation. Before going on their August recess, our congress voted that Mexican truck drivers will be held to the same standards as American and Canadian truckers are subject to. But after congress left town, Bush got out his handy signing statement pen (signing statements are a mechanism that the president can change himself from President to King), stating that this law is null and void.

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Effective today, Mexican truckers can not drive all over America without any mandatory rest requirements. The safety of American drivers is now at risk because there WILL be an increase in accidents on the freeways and roads in America. Their pay is low which American corporations like because now they can outsource our union truck driving jobs to Mexico.

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We have no idea the number of illegal aliens who will be transported on these trucks into the U.S. Illegal drug smuggling and transporting terrorists into the U.S. will increase.

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The U.S. needs to get out of this NAFTA crap. It’s destroying our country, destroying our workforce and making American unsafe. - I’m praying that our congress will grow a backbone and get America out of Nafta and start putting safeguards in place to protect our country and our jobs. I hope that America will one day wake up and say “NO!” to the continued immorality of greed that is destroying our country.

MORAL VALUES PART 2

HEALTH CARE
Before I get into statistics about the sorry state of health care in the U.S., let me tell you about my own situation. In February of 2005, when I was diagnosed with early onset Alzheimer’s disease after undergoing MRI’s, Pet scans, neurological and neuropsychological testing, and multiple lab work. My neurologist prescribed Aricept. My dad was on Aricept for the last two years of his life and it worked just fine. Coincidentally, that is also the length of time Aricept works for. After that, it’s effectiveness decreases.
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My neurologist gave me the packet of a months supply. I never dreamed that my Blue Cross/Blue Shield would deny me the medication. Therefore, I innocently enough took the prescription to the pharmacy to be filled a few days before I took the last dose from the packet.

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BC/BS denied me the medication. Not once, but twice. I went for about two weeks without the medication. While waiting for the denial on the second attempt, I drafted my letter to my senator, Bill Nelson (great guy by the way). Finally, I won my appeal and I had a year of freedom from fighting with the insurance company. Thank God, I won the appeal. Like my dad, I am one of the lucky folks whom Aricept not only stopped the deterioration of the brain cells by the tangles and plaques choking my brain cells, but actually improved my memory. After three months on it, I wasn’t dropping words due to forgetting what the word was I was grasping for. -

But then my neurologist, knowing that Aricept was only good temporarily, decided to ad Namenda. Blue Cross/Blue Shield went nuts! They totally would not allow me to have both. However, this also happened at a time when I was very busy and didn’t want to take the time to fight with them. -

As a federal employee, I have the same choices in health insurance that all federal employees have, including our elected officials in the house and senate. Like most of them, I chose Blue Cross/Blue Shield. It’s not so great, but it’s better in many ways than the other choices. Please believe me when I say that yes, I’m grateful for my health insurance but the state of health care in the United States is such that even if you have good health insurance, a person still has to fight for their coverage. -

Besides doing crosswords, political activism and researching issues helps keep my mind sharp. Mental masturbation is one of the best things to stave off the effects of Alzheimer’s disease. Anyway, like many, I’ve heard numbers thrown around by our presidential candidates and the news media about 8 million more Americans being without health insurance. I wondered exactly what they based this information on and over how long a period of time this 8 million joined the ranks of the uninsured. -

I went looking on the Internet and found this wonderful site: the National Coalition on Health Care, http://www.nchc.org/ and found the information I was looking for. -

I learned that 47 million Americans, or 16% of the population were without health insurance in 2005, the latest government data available. -

The number of uninsured rose1.3 million between 2004 and 2005 and increased by almost 7 million since 2000. That’s how we come up with the 8 million number. -

82 million people, about 1/3 of our population under the age of 65 spent a portion of either 2002 or 2003 without any health insurance coverage. -

More than 8 in 10 uninsured are working families. -

In 2005 nearly 15% of employees had no employer sponsored health coverage. _

This shouldn’t be happening in America. This IS a moral issue. The death rate in New Orleans from the chronic illnesses (diabetes, high blood pressure, etc…) and mental illness is 45%! I’m not a conspiracy theorist, but if a government won’t help get doctors and nurse’s into the city which is greatly depleted of health care professionals, what does this reflect about the United States as a country? -

The U.S. now ranks number 46 in worldwide mortality rates. Still births and infant mortality is rising at an alarming rate while the state presidents and vice presidents of Blue Cross/Blue shield and the HMO’s are taking home millions of dollars in bonuses. The more claims denied, the more bonuses awarded. -

Please get active if you‘re not already. Call your elected officials and demand that health care be provided for all Americans. A country of a sick citizenry is a sick country that cannot grow and prosper.

Saturday, August 25, 2007

St. Andrew's Episcopal Church Lake Worth: Chocolate and Wine Extravaganza

Here are some pictures from this wonderful event.

St. Mark's Episcopal Church Member Wins Chocolate and Wine Festival Drawing

The Annual Chocolate and Wine Extravaganza draws a lot of folks. Those who buy their tickets early get in. It paid off for Bruce, pictured here with Deacon Pat. Bruce won a lovely gift basket in the drawing.

St. Andrew's Episcopal's Annual Chocolate and Wine Extravaganza

Sunday, August 19th, St. Andrew's chocolate and wine festival was even bigger and better than last years. It's a great fundraiser. several thousand dollars for a one evening event which draws a lot of folks.
This year more countries were represented. Also, some really beautiful art work was borrowed for the occasion from area art galleries.
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The talented event planner, manager of The Core Ensemble Theater troupe and all around wonderful and classy lady, Margo again created a wonderful event the entire town of Lake Worth will be talking about for a long time.
Here is a picture of Margo and one of me in front of some of the great artwork.

THE 14 CHARACTERISTICS OF FASCISM

"What difference does it make to the dead, the orphans, and the homeless, whether the mad destruction is wrought under the name of totalitarianism or the holy name of liberty and democracy?" --Mahatma Gandhi

"You have rights antecedent to all earthly government. Rights that cannot be repeated or restrained by human laws." --John Adams

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Political Scientist, Dr. Lawrence Britt has examined the fascist regimes of Hitler (Germany), Mussolini (Italy), Franco (Spain), Suharto (Indonesia) and several Latin American regimes. I had found this on the Internet several years ago or somebody sent them to me. They came across my mind this morning when I was listening to The War On Democracy podcast and Andrew was talking about the politics of fear. So I went looking and found them again.

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I think they are worth sharing, mainly because democracy is a fragile form of government. It's up to the people to maintain our freedoms. The problem is that in America, everybody is too busy to worry about maintaining democracy. We have kids to take care of, mom and dad are both working and just getting out to vote is not on the minds of many Americans.

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The other problem facing Americans as our democratic form of government is gradually being eroded is fear. Edmund Burke wrote in England twenty years before our American revolution, "No passion so effectually robs the mind of all its powers of acting and reasoning as fear."

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Many Americans have caught on to the Bush administrations use of fear to manipulate the political process. Remember the famous and dramatically delivered "mushroom cloud" speech President Bush gave? Condi Rice repeated it in speeches later. Many folks really thought that Saddam Hussein was going to shoot nukes at us and kill us all.

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It didn't help the situation any when the media became the administrations biggest cheerleaders and flatly refused to investigate if any of this was true. MSNBC fired reporter Ashley Banfield when she asked the tough questions. Phil Donahue got the ax from MSNBC as well when he tried. Our media failed us and America thought the great bogey man was going to come across the ocean and that we've "got to fight them over there so we don't fight them over here."

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Of course the real bogey man is Osama Bin Laden and Bush said he didn't really care if we found him or not. So now we've got the man responsible for 9/11 hiding out on the Afghanastan/Pakistan border and Pakistan DOES have nukes.

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The bait and switch worked and America got scared and we've spent billions of dollars for the wrong war in the wrong country and killed the wrong dictator while Bin Laden remains loose.

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All of these things were on my mind this morning as I "did the google," as Dubya says and founds Britt's 14 defining characteristics of fascism: -

1. Powerful and Continuing Nationalism - Fascist regimes tend to make constant use of patriotic mottos, slogans, symbols, songs, and other paraphernalia. Flags are seen everywhere, as are flag symbols on clothing and in public displays.

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2. Disdain for the Recognition of Human Rights - Because of fear of enemies and the need for security, the people in fascist regimes are persuaded that human rights can be ignored in certain cases because of "need." The people tend to look the other way or even approve of torture, summary executions, assassinations, long incarcerations of prisoners, etc.

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3. Identification of Enemies/Scapegoats as a Unifying Cause - The people are rallied into a unifying patriotic frenzy over the need to eliminate a perceived common threat or foe: racial , ethnic or religious minorities; liberals; communists; socialists, terrorists, etc.

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4. Supremacy of the Military - Even when there are widespread domestic problems, the military is given a disproportionate amount of government funding, and the domestic agenda is neglected. Soldiers and military service are glamorized.

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5. Rampant Sexism - The governments of fascist nations tend to be almost exclusively male-dominated. Under fascist regimes, traditional gender roles are made more rigid. Divorce, abortion and homosexuality are suppressed and the state is represented as the ultimate guardian of the family institution.

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6. Controlled Mass Media - Sometimes to media is directly controlled by the government, but in other cases, the media is indirectly controlled by government regulation, or sympathetic media spokespeople and executives. Censorship, especially in war time, is very common.

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7. Obsession with National Security - Fear is used as a motivational tool by the government over the masses.

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8. Religion and Government are Intertwined - Governments in fascist nations tend to use the most common religion in the nation as a tool to manipulate public opinion. Religious rhetoric and terminology is common from government leaders, even when the major tenets of the religion are diametrically opposed to the government's policies or actions. -

9. Corporate Power is Protected - The industrial and business aristocracy of a fascist nation often are the ones who put the government leaders into power, creating a mutually beneficial business/government relationship and power elite.

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10. Labor Power is Suppressed - Because the organizing power of labor is the only real threat to a fascist government, labor unions are either eliminated entirely, or are severely suppressed.

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11. Disdain for Intellectuals and the Arts - Fascist nations tend to promote and tolerate open hostility to higher education, and academia. It is not uncommon for professors and other academics to be censored or even arrested. Free expression in the arts and letters is openly attacked.

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12. Obsession with Crime and Punishment - Under fascist regimes, the police are given almost limitless power to enforce laws. The people are often willing to overlook police abuses and even forego civil liberties in the name of patriotism. There is often a national police force with virtually unlimited power in fascist nations.

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13. Rampant Cronyism and Corruption - Fascist regimes almost always are governed by groups of friends and associates who appoint each other to government positions and use governmental power and authority to protect their friends from accountability. It is not uncommon in fascist regimes for national resources and even treasures to be appropriated or even outright stolen by government leaders.

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14. Fraudulent Elections - Sometimes elections in fascist nations are a complete sham. Other times elections are manipulated by smear campaigns against or even assassination of opposition candidates, use of legislation to control voting numbers or political district boundaries, and manipulation of the media. Fascist nations also typically use their judiciaries to manipulate or control elections.

Saturday, August 11, 2007

News from ECLA (Evangelical Lutheran Church in America)

Reuters is reporting:
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Lutherans to allow pastors in gay relationships
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‘That is huge,’ says spokesman for 4.8 million-member church
CHICAGO - Clergy members who are in homosexual relationships will be able to serve as pastors, the largest U.S. Lutheran body said Saturday.The Evangelical Lutheran Church in America passed a resolution at its annual assembly urging bishops to refrain from disciplining pastors who are in “faithful committed same-gender relationships.”
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The resolution passed by a vote of 538-431.

A WORD FROM AL GORE

"It's a problem that George Bush invaded Iraq ~ It's a problem that he authorized warrantless mass eavesdropping on American citizens. It's a problem that he lifted the prohibition against torture. It's a problem that he censored hundreds of scientific reports on the climate crisis ~ but it's a bigger problem that we've been so vulnerable to such crass manipulation and that there has been so little outcry or protest as American values have been discarded, one after another. And if we pretend that the magic solution for all these problems is simply to put a different person in the office of the president without attending to the cracks in the foundation of our democracy, then the same weaknesses that have been exploited by this White House will be exploited by others in the future." Al Gore / Interviewed by Arianna Huffington

The War On Terror

This article from opednews.com does a great job of explaining why the U.S. is in the situation we are in and how we got here.
Gordon

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The So-Called "War on Terror" - A Masterpiece of Propaganda By R.W. Behan Created Aug 6 2007 - 9:33am

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"Who will tell the people?"--William Greider
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From its first days in office in January of 2001 the Administration of George W. Bush meant to launch military attacks against both Afghanistan and Iraq. The reasons had nothing to do with terrorism.
-- This is beyond dispute. The mainstream press has either ignored the story or missed it completely, but the Administration's congenital belligerence is fully documented elsewhere. Attacking a sovereign nation unprovoked, however, directly violates the charter of the United Nations. It is an international crime. The Bush Administration would need credible justification to proceed with its plans.
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The terrorist violence of September 11, 2001 provided a spectacular opportunity. In the cacophony of outrage and confusion, the Administration could conceal its intentions, disguise the true nature of its premeditated wars, and launch them. The opportunity was exploited in a heartbeat.
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Within hours of the attacks, President Bush declared the U.S. "...would take the fight directly to the terrorists," and "...he announced to the world the United States would make no distinction between the terrorists and the states that harbor them." [1] Thus the "War on Terror" was born.
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The "War on Terror" is patently fraudulent, but the essence of successful propaganda is repetition, and the Bush Administration has repeated its mantra endlessly: The War on Terror was launched in response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. It is intended to enhance our national security at home, and to spread democracy in the Middle East.
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This is the struggle of our lifetime; we are defending our way of life from an enemy intent on destroying our freedoms. We must fight the enemy in the Middle East, or we will fight him in our cities.
The Administration's campaign of propaganda has been a notable success. The characterization of today's war as a "fight against terrorists and states that support them" is generally accepted, rarely scrutinized, and virtually unchallenged, even by opponents of the war. The fraudulence of the "War on Terror," however, is clearly revealed in the pattern of subsequent facts:

1. In Afghanistan the state was overthrown instead of apprehending the terrorist: Osama bin Laden remains at large. 2. In Iraq, when the U.S. invaded, there were no terrorists at all. 3. Both states have been supplied with puppet governments, and both are dotted with permanent U.S. military bases in strategic proximity to their hydrocarbon assets. 4. The U.S. embassy nearing completion in Baghdad is comprised of 21 multistory buildings on 104 acres of land. It will house 5,500 diplomats, staff, and families. It is ten times larger than any other U.S. embassy in the world, but we have yet to be told why. 5. A 2006 National Intelligence Estimate shows the war in Iraq has exacerbated, not diminished, the threat of terrorism since 9/11.[2] If the "War on Terror" is not a deception, it is a disastrously counterproductive failure. 6. Today two American and two British oil companies are poised to claim immense profits from 81% of Iraq's undeveloped crude oil reserves.[3] They cannot proceed, however, until the Iraqi Parliament enacts a statute known as the "hydrocarbon law." 7. The features of postwar oil policy so heavily favoring the oil companies were crafted by the Bush Administration State Department in 2002, a year before the invasion.[4] 8. Drafting of the law itself was begun during Paul Bremer's Coalition Provisional Authority, with the invited participation of the oil companies.[5] The law was written in English and translated into Arabic only when it was due for Iraqi approval. 9. President Bush made passage of the hydrocarbon law a mandatory "benchmark" when he announced the troop surge in January of 2007.

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Speculation: If the hydrocarbon law is passed, the Administration will have achieved the war's strategic purpose, and it will end quickly. Otherwise, the war effort will eventually collapse in a political and diplomatic firestorm, a hideous violation of the American people's trust in their government, and a certifiable international crime. When it took office, the Bush Administration brushed aside warnings about al Qaeda and Osama bin Laden.[6] Their anxiety to attack both Afghanistan and Iraq was based on other factors.

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IRAQ The Iraqi war was conceived in 1992, during the first Bush Administration, in a 46-page document entitled Draft Defense Planning Guidance. The document advocated the concept of preemptive war to assure the military and diplomatic dominance of the world by the United States. It asserted the need for "...access to vital raw materials, primarily Persian Gulf oil." It warned of "...proliferation of weapons of mass destruction." And it spoke of "...threats to U.S. citizens from terrorism." [7] It was a template for today's war in Iraq. The Draft Defense Planning Guidance was signed by the Secretary of Defense, Richard Cheney. It was prepared by three top staffers: Paul Wolfowitz, Lewis "Scooter" Libby, and Zalmay Khalilzad.

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In proposing global dominance and preemptive war, it was a radical departure from the traditional U.S. diplomacy of multilateralism, and it was an early statement of the emerging ideology of "neoliberalism." The document was too extreme. President George H.W. Bush publicly denounced it and immediately retracted it.

-- But five years later William Kristol and Robert Kagan created a neoliberal organization to advocate preemptive war and U.S. global dominion--to achieve, in their words, a "benevolent global hegemony."[8] It was called the Project for the New American Century--quickly abbreviated as PNAC. Among the founding members were Richard Cheney, Paul Wolfowitz, Lewis "Scooter" Libby, Zalmay Khalilzad, Donald Rumsfeld, and Jeb Bush.

-- In a letter to President Clinton on January 26, 1998, the Project for the New American Century urged the military overthrow of the Saddam Hussein regime. President Clinton ignored the letter. The unprovoked invasion of a sovereign nation violates the charter of the United Nations: it is an international crime. As the presidential campaign of 2000 drew to a close the PNAC produced yet another proposal for U.S. world dominion, preemptive war, and the invasion of Iraq. It was a document called Rebuilding America's Defenses: Strategy, Forces, and Resources For a New Century.

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Weeks later, in January of 2001, twenty nine members of the Project for the New American Century joined the Administration of George W. Bush. Among them were: Richard Cheney, Vice PresidentLewis "Scooter" Libby, Mr. Cheney's Chief of StaffDonald Rumsfeld, Secretary of DefensePaul Wolfowitz, Deputy Secretary of DefenseSteven Cambone, Undersecretary of DefensePeter Rodman, Assistant Secretary of DefenseDov Zakheim, Controller, Department of DefenseAbram Shulksy, Chairman, Office of Special Plans, DODRichard Perle, Chairman, Defense Policy BoardJames Woolsey, member, Defense Policy BoardRichard Armitage, Deputy Secretary of StatePaula Dobriansky, Under Secretary of StateJohn Bolton, Under Secretary of StateZalmay Khalilzad, President's Special EnvoyElliott Abrams, National Security CouncilRobert Zoellick, U.S. Trade Representative These people and their ideology of world dominion and preemptive war would dominate George Bush's government. Rebuilding America's Defenses formed the basis of the Bush Administration's foreign and defense policies. It was enshrined in a subsequent document signed by the President: The National Security Strategy of the United States.

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Within 10 days of his inauguration, President Bush convened his National Security Council. The PNAC people triumphed when the invasion of Iraq was placed at the top of the agenda for Mid East foreign policy. Reconciling the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, long the top priority, was dropped from consideration.[9] The neoconservative dream of invading Iraq was a tragic anachronism, an ideological fantasy of retrograde imperialism. A related and far more pragmatic reason for the invasion, however, would surface soon.

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No Administration in memory has been more closely aligned with the oil industry. President Bush and Vice President Cheney are intimately tied to it, and so is National Security Advisor Condoleeza Rice. So are eight cabinet secretaries and 32 other high-level appointees.[10]

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By early February, Vice President Cheney's "Energy Task Force" was at work. It included federal agency people and executives and lobbyists from the Enron, Exxon-Mobil, Conoco-Phillips, Shell, and BP America corporations. Soon the Task Force was poring over detailed maps of the Iraqi oil fields, pipelines, tanker terminals, refineries, and the undeveloped oil exploration blocks. It studied two pages of "foreign suitors for Iraqi oil field contracts"--dozens of foreign companies negotiating with Saddam Hussein's regime. None of the "suitors" was a major American or British oil company.[11]

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The intent to invade Iraq and the keen interest in Iraqi oil would soon converge. The convergence took the form of a top secret memo of February 3, 2001 from a "high level National Security Council official." The memo: "...directed the NSC staff to cooperate fully with the Energy Task Force as it considered the 'melding' of two seemingly unrelated areas of policy: 'the review of operational policies toward rogue states' such as Iraq, and 'actions regarding the capture of new and existing oil and gas fields.'"[12]

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As early as February 3, 2001, the Bush Administration was committed to invading Iraq, with the oil fields clearly in mind. The terrorist attacks on Washington and New York were still seven months in the future.

Afghanistan The issue in Afghanistan was the strategically invaluable location for a pipeline to connect the immense oil and gas resources of the Caspian Basin to the richest markets. Whoever built the pipeline across Afghanistan would control the Basin, and in the 1990's the contest to build it was spirited. American interests in the region were promoted by a private-sector organization, the Foreign Oil Companies Group.[13] It had the full support of the State Department, the National Security Council, the CIA, and the Departments of Energy and Commerce. Among the Group's most active members were Mr. Henry Kissinger, a former Secretary of State but now an advisor to the Unocal Corporation; Mr. Alexander Haig, another former Secretary of State but now a lobbyist for Turkmenistan; and Mr. Richard Cheney, a former Secretary of Defense, but now the CEO of the Halliburton Corporation.

-- Late in 1996, however, the Bridas Corporation of Argentina finally signed contracts with the Taliban and with General Dostum of the Northern Alliance to build the pipeline.

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One American company in particular, Unocal, found that intolerable and fought back vigorously, hiring a number of consultants in addition to Mr. Kissinger: Mr. Hamid Karzai, Mr. Richard Armitage, and Mr. Zalmay Khalilzad. (Armitage and Khalilzad would be active members of the Project for the New American Century, and would join the George W. Bush Administration in 2001.)

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Unocal wooed Taliban officials at its headquarters in Texas and in Washington, D.C., seeking to have the Bridas contract voided, but the Taliban refused. Finally, in February of 1998 Mr. John J. Maresca, a Unocal vice president, asked in a Congressional hearing to have the Taliban removed from power and a stable regime installed instead.

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The Clinton Administration, having recently refused the PNAC request to invade Iraq, was not any more interested in a military overthrow of the Taliban. President Clinton did, however, shoot a few cruise missiles into Afghanistan, retaliating for the al Qaeda attacks on the US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania. And he issued an Executive Order forbidding further trade transactions with the Taliban. Mr. Maresca was thus twice disappointed: the Taliban would not be replaced very soon, and Unocal would have to cease its pleadings with the regime.

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Unocal's prospects rocketed when George W. Bush entered the White House, and the Project for the New American Century ideology of global dominance took hold. The Bush Administration itself took up active negotiations with the Taliban in January of 2001, seeking secure and exclusive access to the Caspian Basin for American companies.[14] (The Enron Corporation also was eyeing a pipeline, to feed its proposed power plant in India.) The Administration offered a package of foreign aid as an inducement, and the parties met three times, in Washington, Berlin, and Islamabad. The Bridas contract might still be voided But the Taliban would not yield.

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Anticipating this, planning was underway to take military action if necessary. In the spring of 2001, the State Department sought and gained the concurrence of India and Pakistan to do so.[15] The PNAC people were not timid about using force. At the final meeting with the Taliban, on August 2, 2001, an exasperated State Department negotiator, Christine Rocca, clarified the options: "Either you accept our offer of a carpet of gold or we bury you under a carpet of bombs." [16] With the futility of negotiations now apparent, "President Bush promptly informed Pakistan and India that the U.S. would launch a military mission into Afghanistan before the end of October." [17]

This was five weeks before the events of 9/11.

SEPTEMBER 11, 2001 A tectonic groundswell of skepticism, doubt, and suspicion has emerged about the Bush Administration's official explanation of 9/11. Some claim the Administration orchestrated the attacks. Others see complicity. Still others find criminal negligence. The cases they make are neither extreme nor trivial.

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There is much we need to learn about the attacks, and troubling questions remain about official inquiry itself: 1. Why did Mr. Bush and Mr. Cheney initially oppose any investigation at all? 2. Why did a full year elapse before any inquiry was undertaken? 3. Why did President Bush insist on appointing the 9/11 Commissioners himself? 4. Why did he first choose Mr. Henry Kissinger, a former Unocal consultant, to head the Commission? 5. Why did Mr. Bush and Mr. Cheney refuse to testify under oath?

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Whatever the truth about 9/11, the Bush Administration now had a fortuitous and spectacular opportunity to proceed with the premeditated attacks. The Administration would have to play its hand skillfully. Other nations have suffered criminal events of terrorism, but there is no precedent for conflating the terrorists with the states that harbor them, declaring a "war," and seeking with military force to overthrow a sovereign government. Victimized nations have always relied successfully on international law enforcement and police action to bring terrorists to justice.

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But the Bush Administration needed more than this. War plans were in the files. They needed to justify invasions. Only by targeting the "harboring states" as well as the terrorists did they stand a chance of doing so. The Administration played its hand brilliantly. It compared the terrorist attacks immediately to Pearl Harbor, and in the smoke and dust and shock and rage of 9/11 the comparison was superficially plausible. But Pearl Harbor was the violent expression of hostile intent by a formidably armed nation, and it introduced four years of full scale warfare. 9/11 was a violent expression of hostility by 19 fanatics armed with box cutters: the physical security of our entire nation was simply not at stake.

-- Though the comparison was specious, a deliberate fraud, the "War on Terror" was born. It would prove to be an exquisite smokescreen. But labeling the preplanned incursions into Afghanistan and Iraq as a "War on Terror" was the mega-lie, dwarfing all the untruths that followed. The mega-lie would be the centerpiece of a masterful propaganda blitz that continues to this day.

The Wars On October 7, 2001, the carpet of bombs is unleashed over Afghanistan. Soon, with the Taliban overthrown, the U.S. installed Mr. Hamid Karzai as head of an interim government. Mr. Karzai had been a Unocal consultant. The first ambassador to Mr. Karzai's government was Mr. John J. Maresca, a vice president of Unocal.

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The next ambassador to Afghanistan was Mr. Zalmay Khalilzad. Mr. Khalilzad had been a Unocal consultant. Four months after the carpet of bombs, President Karzai and President Musharraf of Pakistan signed an agreement for a new pipeline. The Bridas contract was moot. The way was open for Unocal.

-- In February of 2003 an oil industry trade journal reported the Bush Administration standing ready to finance the pipeline across Afghanistan, and to protect it with a permanent military presence.[18] This was global hegemony, but it was scarcely benevolent--and Osama bin Laden remained at large.

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The mega-lie, the fabricated "War on Terror" was an easy sell for the Bush Administration in the Afghanistan adventure. The shock of 9/11 was immense, Osama bin Laden was operating from Afghanistan, and the "state," the Taliban, was at least sympathetic. And the signature secrecy of the Bush Administration had kept from public view its 8 months of negotiating pipeline access with the Taliban. The first premeditated war was largely unopposed.

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Selling the Iraq invasion to the American people and to the Congress would be far more difficult. With the Trade Towers and the Pentagon still smoldering, President Bush and Defense Secretary Rumsfeld ordered their staffs to find Saddam Hussein's complicity in the attacks[19], but of course they could not. Absent that, there would need to be a sustained and persuasive selling job, and that would call for a professionally orchestrated campaign of propaganda.

-- Soon after 9/11, fear-mongering propagandizing became the modus operandi of the Bush Administration. It began in earnest with the President's "axis of evil" State of the Union address in 2002, full of terrorism and fear. "The United States of America," the President said, "will not permit the world's most dangerous regimes to threaten us with the world's most destructive weapons."

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The campaign of propaganda and fear rose to the level of brilliance when Mr. Bush appointed the 10-person "White House Iraq Group" in August of 2002. Chaired by Mr. Karl Rove, its members were trusted partisans and communications experts skilled in perception management. Their role was explicitly to market the war, to persuade the American people--and eventually the Congress--of the need to invade Iraq. The group operated in strict secrecy, sifting intelligence, writing position papers and speeches, creating "talking points," planning strategy and timing, and feeding information to the media. This was the nerve center, where the campaign of propaganda was orchestrated and promulgated.[20]

-- The group chose to trumpet nearly exclusively the most frightening threat of all--nuclear weapons. Ms. Rice soon introduced the litany of the smoking gun and the mushroom cloud, Mr. Cheney said hundreds of thousands of Americans might die, and Mr. Bush claimed Saddam was "six months away from developing a weapon." In the 2003 State of the Union address, President Bush uttered the infamous "sixteen words:" "The British government has learned that Saddam Hussein recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa." This was typical of White House Iraq Group work: the CIA knew, and had said, the information was bogus.

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The propaganda campaign was ultimately successful, not least because of the axiomatic trust American people extend to their presidents: nobody could have anticipated the range, intensity, and magnitude of the expertly crafted deception. And the campaign was aided by a compliant mainstream press, swallowing and repeating the talking points.[21] The White House Iraq Group found it easy to plant such misleading stories as the aluminum tube foolery in the New York Times. The Congress was persuaded sufficiently to authorize the use of military force. The American people were persuaded sufficiently to accept the war and to send Mr. Bush to the White House for a second term. But no other war in the country's history had to be so consciously and comprehensively sold.

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Much of the deception, distortion, and lies was eventually exposed. The link between Saddam Hussein and al Qaeda, the weapons of mass destruction, the aluminum tubes, the mobile laboratories, the yellowcake from Niger: none of it true. Only the mega-lie, the "War on Terror," survives.

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On February 5, 2003, Secretary of State Colin Powell addressed the Security Council, waving the vial of simulated anthrax and claiming "there is no doubt in my mind" Saddam Hussein was working to produce nuclear weapons. But the Security Council, not so willing to trust George W. Bush and not so easily propagandized, refused a fresh resolution to authorize American force.

-- On March 14, 2003 President Bush met in the Azores with Prime Ministers Blair of the UK and Aznar of Spain. They abandoned the effort for a new resolution, claimed the right to proceed without one, and a week later launched the war. Four years of violence. Nearly 4,000 young Americans dead. Seven times that many maimed. Hundreds of thousands of Iraqis dead. Millions fleeing as refugees, their economy and infrastructure in ruins. A raging sectarian civil war. Half a trillion dollars and counting.

Stopping the Madness And for what? Neither face of the war has come remotely close to success. The "War on Terrorism" has not suppressed terrorism but has encouraged it instead. The premeditated war--for ideological dreams of world dominion and the pragmatic capture of hydrocarbon assets--is a colossus of failure.

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The Afghan pipeline is a dead issue. As the warlords and the poppy growers in Afghanistan thrive, and as the Taliban regroups and seeks to regain dominance, the country tilts ominously into chaos once more.

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The Iraqi hydrocarbon law--the clever disguise for capturing the oil fields--is fatally wounded, its true purpose becoming more widely known. Organized resistance is growing quickly, both in Iraq and in the U.S. And the factions who need to agree on the law are otherwise engaged in killing each other. The Iraqi war has not resulted, either, in the global dominance sought by the Project for the New American Century people, but in global repugnance for what their pathetic ideology has wrought.

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Clearly the involvement of the U.S. military in the Mid East must cease. Pouring more lives and dollars into the quagmire may keep alive the warped dreams of the Bush Administration, but those dreams are illegitimate, indeed criminal.

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Neither President Bush nor Vice President Cheney are willing to yield, even to consider the slightest alteration in their course. They ask instead for more time, more troops, more money, and even--in threatening Iran--for more targets. There is no apparent way to stop the madness of these men but to impeach them and, if found guilty, to remove them from office.

-- The evidence is mountainous of impeachable offenses, but none is more tragic and serious than the mega-lie of the "War on Terror." Given the unbending intransigence, only impeachment will end the hemorrhaging of lives and treasure. The integrity of the Constitution and the rule of law are at stake as well, but the Congress continues its indifference to impeachment, effectively condoning the high crimes and misdemeanors of George Bush and Richard Cheney. Should this continue, the American people will have no choice but to discard the last crumbs of respect for the incumbent legislature--polling shows there's not much left--and to punish its members, Republican and Democrat alike, in next year's election.

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Finally, impeachment will expose the fraudulence of the "War on Terror", and liberate us from the pall of fear the Bush Administration deliberately cast upon the country. Both political parties will be free to speak the truth: terrorism is real and a cause for concern, but it is not a reason for abject fear.

-- We need only compare the hazard of al Qaeda to the threat posed by the Soviet Union at the height of the Cold War. On the one hand is a wretched group of sad fanatics--perhaps 50,000 in all--clever enough to commandeer airliners with box cutters. On the other was a nation of 140 million people, a powerful economy, a standing army of hundreds of divisions, a formidable navy and air force, and thousands of nuclear tipped transcontinental missiles pre-aimed at American targets.

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Two public figures--Zbigniew Brzezinsky and Wesley Clark--have recently made this comparison, and noted how confident and poised Americans were, facing large and real threats.[22] [23] With the mega-lie exposed and discredited, we can and should display our poise and confidence once again.

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Ending the nightmare will take far less courage than the Bush people exhibited in beginning it. Taking a nation to war on distortion, deception, and lies is enormously risky, in many respects: in lives and in treasure, certainly, but also in a nation's prestige abroad and in the trust and support of its people. The Bush Administration risked all this and more, and they have lost.

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We risk far less by embracing the truth and acting on it. Our nation cherishes honesty: the fraudulence must end. But Mr. Bush and Mr. Cheney have shown themselves incapable of honesty, and we also cherish justice. They must be impeached.

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End notes: [1] White House Press Release of March 8, 2004 [2] "Spy Agencies Say Iraq War Worsens Terrorism Threat," New York Times, September 24, 2006. [3] Joshua Holland, "Bush's Petro-Cartel Almost Has Iraq's Oil," published on the AlterNet website, October 16, 2006.) [4] See Greg Mutitt, ed., Crude Designs: the Ripoff of Iraq's Oil Wealth, the Platform Group, United Kingdom. [5] See "Slick Connections: U.S. Influence on Iraqi Oil," by Erik Leaver and Greg Mutitt, Foreign Policy in Focus, July 18, 2007. [6] See John W. Dean, Worse Than Watergate: the Secret Presidency of George W. Bush, New York: Little, Brown, 253p., 2004. [7] See a series of articles in the Christian Science Monitor, June, 2005 [8] See "Toward a Neo-Reaganite Foreign Policy," by William Kristol and Robert Kagan, writing in Foreign Affairs, July/August 1996.) [9] The NSC meeting is described in Ron Suskind's book, The Price of Loyalty, New York: Simon and Schuster, 348p., 2004 [10] See "Crude Alliance," by Jeffrey St. Clair, in Counterpunch, March 9-11, 2007. [11] The maps and the "suitors" documents were forced into the public domain by a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit. The suit was entered by the citizen's group Judicial Watch, and was appealed all the way to the Supreme Court by the Bush Administration. The documents can be seen at the Judicial Watch website. [12] Quoted from "Contract Sport" by Jane Mayer, The New Yorker, Issue 23, February 16, 2004. (Italics added.) [13] See "Players on a Rigged Chessboard: Bridas, Unocal, and the Afghanistan Pipeline," by Larry Chin, Online Journal, March 6, 2002. [14] ibid. [15] See Karl W. B. Schwarz, One Way Ticket to Crawford, Texas: a Conservative Republican Speaks Out, RPC Publishing, 2004. [16] See Chin, op. cit.. [17] ibid. [18] See Alexander's Gas and Oil Connections, February 23, 2003. [19] See Richard Clarke, Against All Enemies: Inside America's War on Terror, New York: The Free Press, 304 p., 2004. [20] For a full description of the White House Iraq Group's work, see Barton Gellman and Walter Pincus, "Depiction of Threat Outgrew Supporting Evidence," Washington Post, August 10, 2003. [21] See Alexander Cockburn and Jeffrey St. Clair, End Times: the Death of the Fourth Estate, Oakland: AK Press, 2006. Also see the PBS expose by Bill Moyers, Buying the War. [22] Zbigniew Brzezinkski, "Terrorized by the 'War on Terror: How a Three Word Mantra Has Undermined America,'" Washington Post, March 25, 2007. [23] "Generally Speaking: Questions for Wesley K. Clark, New York Times, July 1, 2007.

Note: This article was distilled from a longer, more detailed, and illustrated slideshow presentation,"The Fraudulent War." It is available without cost. The 5.4 mb PDF file can be downloaded here [1].

Sunday, August 05, 2007

PALM BEACH COUNTY ACLU POT LUCK

We had a great time at the Palm Beach county ACLU Potluck dinner at Geoffrey and Debbie's house in Boynton Beach. Everybody seemed to have a great time. The Palm Beach chapter of the ACLU is the largest chapter in the state of Florida with over 3,000 members.